The El Paso Times ran a story the other day about how Chairman Fierro had sewn up the endorsements of several of the members of the state delegation at the time.
West Des Moines, Iowa, Jan. Perverse as it may seem for the belligerent real estate magnate to channel even apocryphal Gandhi wisdom, the line is apt.
Eventually, Republicans began to fight him, terrified of his traction with voters. On the eve of another critical Tuesday slate of votes, Trump is on the verge of an even greater victory. Polls show him in command both in the smaller states that will award their delegates proportionally, and in the larger, winner-take-all prizes of Ohio and Florida.
How is Trump—who has been described as a proto-fascistif not an outright fascist —just a few steps away from leading the Grand Old Party? For some on the left, Trump is the result of decades of divisive politics—the inevitable outcome of a Republican political strategy that stoked white racial resentment to win elections.
For some on the right, Trump is the grassroots response to Republican elites who have abandoned their working-class voters to the whims of laissez-faire capitalism.
GOP elites have failed to offer solutions to struggling working-class whites, who have suffered keenly from the collapse of the industrial economy.
Advertisement But none of these theories answer the question why now. Each of these forces has been in play for years. Wages for working-class Americans have long been stagnantand the collapse of job opportunities for workers without a college degree was apparent in the slong before the Great Recession.
Millions of Americans—blacks and Latinos in particular—have faced declining economic prospects and social disintegration for years without turning to a demagogue like Trump.
Not only does he lead a movement of almost exclusively disaffected whites, but he wins his strongest support in states and counties with the greatest amounts of racial polarization.
Among white voters, higher levels of racial resentment have been shown to be associated with greater support for Trump. What caused this fire to burn out of control? The answer, I think, is Barack Obama.
But in most respects, Obama is a conventional politician—well within the center-left of the Democratic Party. And he did so with heavy support from minorities: For liberal observers, this heralded a new, rising electorate, and—in theory—a durable majority.
Bush, and Ronald Reagan—would no longer matter. These behaviors, in turn, function to reinstate white racial equilibrium.
You can read the rise of Obama and the projected future of a majority nonwhite America as a racial stress that produced a reaction from a number of white Americans—and forced them into a defensive crouch. You can see the maneuvering DiAngelo describes in the persistent belief that Obama is a Muslim—as recently as last fall, 29 percent of Americans held this viewagainst all evidence.
You can draw a direct line to the rise of Trump from the racial hysteria of talk radio. The anxieties DiAngelo describes, and the fears cataloged by the American Values Survey, have real political impact.The freedom of religion, as well as nondiscrimination, is a significant rights issue, and it is important that governments do not unnecessarily burden the exercise of religious conscience.
Rather than reading you argue against headlines from random British tabloids, I’d be much more interested in reading you make the strongest possible case for a gender-specific anti-harassment movement, and then hear why you disagree with it.
The Nationalist's Delusion. Trump’s supporters backed a time-honored American political tradition, disavowing racism while promising to enact a broad agenda of discrimination.
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But what’s clear is that we are seeing strong, overt signs of white identity politics from conservatives, and Trump is executing an agenda that pushes back against the identity politics of liberals. Jeffrey Escofier, writing about the gay movement, defines identity politics in the following fashion: "The politics of identity is a kind of cultural politics.
It relies on the development of a culture that is able to create new and affirmative conceptions of the self, to articulate collective identities, and to forge a .